List of figures List of tables Preface Acknowledgments Part I. Introduction: 1. The reason for the problems 2. Brief overview of the problems 3. The relationship between preferences and choice Part II. Different Preferences: 4. Do social preferences exist? Arrow's and Sen's impossibility theorems 5. The desirable collective decision rule: axiomatization 6. Rule selection based on the compromise with the unanimity criterion 7. Paradoxes of voting 8. Majority tyranny and expression of preference intensity 9. The problem of inefficient provision of public goods 10. Do individuals reveal their true preferences? Part III. Identical Preferences - Different Decisional Skills: 11. Which rule is better: the expert rule or the simple majority rule? Decisional errors in dichotomous choice and Condorcet's jury theorem 12. The optimal decision rule under uncertain dichotomous choice References Index.
1. Introduction 2. The epistemic argument for deliberation 3. The rational choice framework 4. The resilience of discourse failure 5. Symbolism in political argument 6. Discourse failure and political morality 7. Non-epistemic defenses of deliberation 8. Deliberation, consent, and majority rule 9. Overcoming discourse failure: voluntary communities.
List of tables and figures Preface 1. Precedent and the Court 2. Measuring precedential behavior 3. Precedential behavior from the beginning through the Chase Court 4. Precedential behavior bridging the 19th and 20th centuries 5. Precedential behavior in the Hughes, Stone, and Vinson courts 6. Precedential behavior in the Warren court 7. Precedential behavior in the Burger Court 8. Precedential behavior in the Rehnquist court 9. The Supreme court and state decisions 10. Conclusions List of references Case index Subject/name index.
Supermajority rules govern many features of our lives in common: from the selection of textbooks for our children's schools to residential covenants, from the policy choices of state and federal legislatures to constitutional amendments. It is usually assumed that these rules are not only normatively unproblematic but necessary to achieve the goals of institutional stability, consensus, and minority protections. In this book, Melissa Schwartzberg challenges the logic underlying the use of supermajority rule as an alternative to majority decision making. She traces the hidden history of supermajority decision making, which originally emerged as an alternative to unanimous rule, and highlights the tensions in the contemporary use of supermajority rules as an alternative to majority rule. Although supermajority rules ostensibly aim to reduce the purported risks associated with majority decision making, they do so at the cost of introducing new liabilities associated with the biased judgments they generate and secure.
Addressing one of the greatest challenges facing liberalism today, this book asks if it is legally and morally defensible for a liberal state to restrict immigration in order to preserve the cultural rights of majority groups. Orgad proposes a liberal approach to this dilemma and explores its dimensions, justifications, and limitations.
Americans have an unwavering faith in democracy and are ever eager to import it to nations around the world. But how democratic is our own "democracy"? If you can vote, if the majority rules, if you have elected representatives-does this automatically mean that you have a democracy? In this eye-opening look at an ideal that we all take for granted, classical scholar Paul Woodruff offers some surprising answers to these questions. Drawing on classical literature, philosophy, and history-with many intriguing passages from Sophocles, Aesop, and Plato, among others-Woodruff immerses us in the world of ancient Athens to uncover how the democratic impulse first came to life. The heart of the book isolates seven conditions that are the sine qua non of democracy: freedom from tyranny (including the tyranny of majority rule), harmony (the blending of different views), the rule of law, natural equality, citizen wisdom, reasoning without knowledge, and general education. He concludes that a true democracy must be willing to invite everyone to join in government. It must respect the rule of law so strongly that even the government is not above the law. True democracy must be mature enough to accept changes that come from the people. And it must be willing to pay the price of education for thoughtful citizenship. Ancient Athens didn't always live up to these ideals. Nor does modern America. If we learn anything from the story of Athens, Woodruff concludes, it should be this-never lose sight of the ideals of democracy. This compact, eloquent book illuminates these ideals and lights the way as we struggle to keep democracy alive at home and around the world.
In his latest book, Presidential Elections and Majority Rule, Edward Foley asks how the American electoral system can better represent the people. What kind of winner truly reflects the nation's votes: the plurality winners of winner-takes-all elections, as currently used, or the majority-preferred winners of a reformed system? How do third-party candidates affect American presidential elections? What, if anything, would change in a two-candidate run-off? And how can electoral reform be implemented without sowing chaos? Ultimately, Foley outlines a solution in which the Electoral College can be restored to its original majoritarian ideals through state law rather than Constitutional amendment.
History of China. His laughing reply was: You know I shall never read it, but you can have all my papers now in the possession of my brother, Sir Henry Gordon. My history took a very long time to write, and the third volume was not published until April 1884 when General Gordon was hemmed in, to use his own words, at Khartoum.
AS so many books Of a more or less biographical nature have been written about General Charles Gordon, it is both appropriate and natural that I should preface the following pages with a statement of a personal character as to how and why I have written another. In the year 1881 I told General Gordon that I contemplated describing his career as soon as I had finished writing my History of China. His laughing reply was: You know I shall never read it, but you can have all my papers now in the possession Of my brother, Sir Henry Gordon. My history took a very long time to write, and the third volume was not published until April 1884, when General Gordon was hemmed in, to use his own words, at Khartoum.
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